附註:Includes bibliographical references and index.
Prologue. "Patriotism and Loyalty Presuppose Protection and Liberty" -- "It became necessary to investigate everything": The Birth of Modern political Intelligence -- "Very full of the anti-war spirit": Fears of Enemy Subversion during World War I -- "Slackers, Delinquents, and Deserters": African Americans and Draft Enforcement during World War I -- "The most dangerous of all Negro journals": Federal Efforts to Silence the Chicago Defender -- "Every word is loaded with sedition": The Crisis and the NAACP under Suspicion -- "I thank my God for the persecution": The Church of God in Christ under Attack -- "Rabid and inflammatory": Further Attacks on the Pen and Pulpit -- "Spreading enemy propaganda": Alien Enemies, Spies, and Subversives -- "Perhaps you will be shot": Sex, Spies, Science, and the Moens Case -- "Negro Subversion": Army Intelligence Investigations during World War I -- Epilogue. "The Negro is 'seeing red'": From the World War into the Red Scare.
摘要:Free speech for African Americans, during World War I, had to be exercised with great caution. The federal government, spurred on by a super-patriotic and often alarmed white public, determined to suppress any dissent against the war and enforce on the black population one hundred percent patriotism. These pressures were applied by America's modern political intelligence system, which emerged during the war. Its major partners included the Bureau of Investigation (renamed the FBI in 1935); the Military Intelligence Division; and the investigative arms of the Post Office and State departments. Numerous African American individuals and institutions, as well as 'enemy aliens' believed to be undermining black loyalty, became their targets. Fears that the black population was being subverted by Germans multiplied as the United States entered the war in April 1917. In fact, only a handful of alleged enemy subversives was ever identified, and none was found to have done anything more than tell blacks that they had no good reason to fight, or that German would win. Nonetheless, they were punished under wartime legislation which criminalised anti-war advocacy; in one notorious case, when federal officials were unable to prosecute an alleged spy, they concocted other charges with which to harass him for years, even after the war ended. A much greater proportion of blacks was disenchanted with the war than has been previously acknowledged. Considerable numbers were privately apathetic, while others publicly expressed dissatisfaction or opposition to the war. So serious was this disillusionment that the Military Intelligence Division initiated efforts to improve blacks' morale, but to little effect. In fact, black men evaded the draft at a much higher rate than did whites, and they were dealt with punitively when apprehended by the Bureau of Investigation. Black editors who openly criticised the government or forcefully condemned lynching faced the threat of suppression, and
